Read what witnesses said about:

• Pregnancy and birthing;
  
  
• Menstruation and puberty;
  
  
• Rongoā; and
  
  
• Abortion.

Pregnancy and birthing

Drawing on ethnographic records and kōrero tuku iho, witnesses referred to various practices related to pregnancy and childbirth, which they described as highly significant events in the life of the whānau. The many ways in which pregnant wāhine were protected and cared for by whanau demonstrated the importance of whakapapa and te whare tangata. Witnesses said that birthing ceremonies involved designated tohunga, recitation of karakia, and the burial of the afterbirth in specific locations tied to ancestral land in order to ensure a lasting connection between the whānau and hapū, and the whenua.

Hine-ā-maru at Terenga Parāoa Marae, Whangārei

What witnesses said

• “Pregnant wāhine were attended to by the men and the Tohunga of the village. The men assisted by providing food for pregnant wāhine. For Māori women, their bodies were treated with the utmost tapu during the times of menstruation, pregnancy, and childbearing. Childbirth often took place in a separate dwelling called the whare kōhanga.” (Violet Walker, doc A66, pp 5-6)
  
  
• “An expectant mother continued to interact with whānau until birthing drew nearer. Tohunga wāhine were present at the birthing. They prepared and administered rongo to ease the pain, and recited whakapapa throughout the birthing process to relax the mother and welcome the new-born into the world. Pregnant women were taken to a special whare for birthing (whare kōhanga). I recall that they may have spent the month before birthing there. There was tapu from childbirth. Blood, the placenta, umbilical cord (pito), and other material from the woman was collected in a basket to be buried in Papa-tu-a-nuku (whenua). Childbirth is a very tapu time. The umbilical cord was tied with vine. A mussel shell was used to sever the umbilical cord. The new-born child would experience the rituals of the first kai and the first bathing. The destiny of the child was revealed the day after they were born. … [t]he child begins learning and practicing tikanga from their first breath. It is at that time when tikanga begins to apply to the life of the child.” (Violet Walker, doc A66, pp 9-10)
  
  
• “There was certain tikanga that took place during and after birthing. For example, after a mother had her baby, stones were heated for her to lay onto the facilitate healing process … There was also karakia when a baby was born to give thanks for their safe arrival, to rejoice, to give thanks for the mother and for her wellbeing and to ask for blessing for the many days to come.” (Robyn York, doc A65, pp 9-10)
  
  
• “Birthing was a sacred ritual that involved both male and female assistants with skills of whakapapa, karakia, and whanaungatanga. Karakia in particular was an essential part of the birthing process, and the mother is of the utmost importance throughout. Among those in attendance at the birth were those gifted in childbirth, and with an understanding of the anatomy for both mother and unborn child.” (Raiha Ruwhiu, doc A93, p 10)
  
  
• “Whē is Hine-ā-Maru’s first-born son. Whē is depicted in whakairo within Ngāti Hine marae today where he is seen under the kēkē of Hine-ā-Maru. This illustrates a story about Whē’s birth by caesarean. Sir James Henare said the birth of Whē is the first record of caesarean. It is said that when Hine-ā-Maru was in Hokianga she became hapū to someone outside of her destined union. It is said that Hine-ā-Maru went to Ōmāpere to give birth which used to be a flax plantation. She cut the baby out herself using harakeke.” (Moe Milne, doc A62, p 20)
  
  
• “Caesarean became a known practice within Ngāti Hine. A kuia that I knew said they would use kōhatu to cut the babies out … Normally birth was done with the woman on ‘all fours’ over the hāngi pit where kawakawa leaves would be smoked. It was common for men or elderly women to assist in the birth. (Moe Milne, doc A62, pp 20-21)
  
  
• “When a wāhine is hapū everyone gets happy. They become the queen of the house and get special treatment. The best of the food, the best of everything. There is a Tūhoe tradition that if you are pregnant you get the best part of the kererū (pigeon), that is, the flesh.” (Materangatira Lily Porter, doc A16(a), p 7)
  
  
• “When you gave birth there is special tikanga. If the wāhine is of a rangatira line, a special nurse would come to take them away. Tamariki were not allowed anywhere nearby. Generally, the wāhine are taken to another place away from everyone, it might have been under a tree or to another home. They would have special karakia. A special person was involved, like a tohunga. … Afterwards, the afterbirth is taken away. They put it in a special place.” (Materangatira Lily Porter, doc A16(a), p 7)
  
  
• “After marriage, the wāhine Māori become hapū, or impregnated, and, following the birth of the tamariki, the whenua was then put back into the land under or in a designated rakau, or tree. This ensures the child’s birthright and toto to the whenua, also known as Turangawaewae. These specific trees were used by many generations of uri, or whānau groups, and were also known as pito trees. Some are still being used today.” (Awhirangi Lawrence, doc A58, p 5)
  
  
• “During the tapu of mate wahine, childbirth, haemorrhaging we separate ourselves from everyday people and activities – to save and protect our energy and our tapu state from the state of noa and potential destruction of our own personal tapu and inevitably of our person, personality, personage and who we really are.” (Aorangi Kawiti, doc A24(a), p 7)
  
  
• “In some circumstances, a male retained his pito [umbilical cord] until the birth of his first child, which then allowed the two pito to be buried simultaneously in the whenua of the birth mother. This process allowed the birth father to be buried in the lands of the birth mother.” (Louisa Collier, doc A26(b), p 3)
  
  
• “Pregnancy, too, was a specifically female domain, for it was the female relatives who counselled the young women during their first pregnancy. It was the women of the tribe who massaged the pregnant woman’s breasts in preparation for lactation. Women were supposedly tapu whilst pregnant, but it would have been impractical to exclude them entirely from the workforce for nine months. Thus pure, or waituhu rites, were conducted at some stage during the pregnancy, after which time the woman could ‘mix with commoners and prepare food again.’” (Dr Ella Henry, doc A63, p 22)
  
  
• “Birth was surrounded by tapu, so it took place outside the village, sometimes in a temporary shelter which could later be destroyed. Generally, a woman might only receive help with the birth of her first child.” (Dr Ella Henry, doc A63, p 22)
  
  
• “Makereti [Papakura] also notes that women generally gave birth alone, and they or one of their female relatives buried the afterbirth, the whenua, whilst intoning appropriate karakia. Thus, women were familiar with ritual karakia, associated with one of the most important aspect of any society, the replacement of its members through childbirth.” (Dr Ella Henry, doc A63, p 22)
  
  
• “I whakahaeretia he karakia i te wā kua whakamamae te māmā rā. Ko Maata kei te mirimiri i te tuarā me te kōrero ki te māmā, kia mauri tau, kia pai ai te puta mai a te pēpi. Ka whānau mai ka whakahokia te whenua ki te whenua. Engari ko ngā pito ka tākae ki te rākau pito.” (Dr Hiria Hape, doc A114, p 16)
  
  
• Customary tikanga affirmed the sanctity of the Māori female body wherein which our traditions view the female body as a source of eternal power and recognise a cyclical system of rebirth and renewal through te awa atua, mate marama, ikura (all terms for menstruation) and also the tapu and sacredness accorded to the maternal body during pregnancy and birth. The respect accorded to the Māori female body was not just of practical significance but rather reflected a recognition of the profound spiritual significance of the female body in traversing the spiritual boundaries and in bringing life into the world from te pō (the realm of darkness) to te ao mārama (te realm of light). (Dr Kirsten Gabel, doc A153(a), pp 3-4)

Menstruation and puberty

Witnesses said that menstruation, and puberty more generally, held cultural and spiritual significance in pre-colonial Māori society. Puberty was celebrated, as it signalled a girl’s entry into womanhood; she could now have children and continue whakapapa. Witnesses also said women were tapu during menstruation which led to restrictions in activities like karanga and food preparation.

Hineahuone at Kurawaka by R Balzer (2014) (pictured in document A67(e))

What witnesses said

• “The true māramataka is based on the cycle of wahine. Wahine have always had a natural sense which connects our waewhiro, īkura, awa atua etc. to the mārama cycles.” (Heeni Hoterene, doc A75, pp 4-5)
  
  
• “I would add that pre-colonial puberty tikanga for girls coming in to their wahinetanga provide examples of how the mana of wahine was acknowledged and celebrated by whānau and hapū. Examples of puberty rites (which are now being reclaimed as a decolonial intervention include:
  a. Piercing of ears
  b. hair cutting
  c. kauae moko
  d. taking new name
  e. whānau hākari
  f. presentation of taonga
  g. karakia welcoming blood as symbol of life
  h. burying first ikura back to Papa to reconfirm that primary relationship
  These celebratory tikanga involved the entire whānau including the men, strengthening the familial bond between genders. These ceremonies empowered wahine and celebrated their reproductive power in assuring the continuation of whānau whakapapa and life.” (Dr Ngahuia Murphy, doc A67, pp 8-9)
  
  
• “One of my memories of my nanny was her excitement when my mother told her I had received my first period (te awa atua). She started to weep, hugging me, and kissing me. At the time, I did not really understand why she was so happy when I was feeling so miserable. This was very inconsistent with the way I was taught about menstruation at school. I now understand why she wept. It was not a hinderance, it was a time to enjoy being a female and knowing about carrying the next generation. He wāhine ahau.” (Jessica Williams, doc A61, p 12)
• “Women were prevented from participating in many activities while in their period of menstruation for a number of reasons. These included karanga, attending tangi, preparing food for manuhiri. She was also not required to take part in activities such as hunting, which would place stress on her body that could harm her ability to bear children – that is to harm her as te whare tangata rather than as a woman.” (Patricia Tauroa, doc A60, p 10)
  
  
• “One last example of the significance of women as whare tangata is the sacredness around the menstrual cycle. Monthly periods were treated with the importance of self-care. For the women, there was no stepping over anyone’s head as the head is the most sacred. During their menstruation, women … were considered tapu.” (Raiha Ruwhiu, doc A93, p 12)
  
  
• “Huturangi met her husband, the famed ancestor Paikea, when he came ashore near Rotokautuku north of the Waiapu. From there they lay together at Rotokautuku and it was recounted to me by kaumatua Mateohorere Manuel and Hone Manuel that when they first lay together, Huturangi was menstruating. The reason for them laying together while she was menstruating was because of her tapu state, it was therefore seen as a sacred ceremonial act because of her menstruation. This is in stark contrast to the colonial putrefication of menstruation.” (Tina Ngata, doc A88, p 11)
  
  
• “If a female has her menstrual cycle they cannot collect kai moana. This is an important tikanga so as not to desecrate Tangaroa.” (Kayreen Tapuke, doc A94, p 3)
  
  
• “There are five sacred karanga that are pertinent to the Whare Tangata of Wāhine … The first … is when the woman has her first period. This begins the sacred journey of procreation with the stripping away of the uterus walls: the toto (blood) that would have sustained the potential life of the kakano (the seed).” (Kayreen Tapuke, doc A94, p 5)
  
  
• “Upon reaching adulthood, young Māori women would be introduced to women’s lore. One aspect of women’s knowledge relates to menstruation … Menstruating women were constrained from participating in much of their usual activity, and in some tribal areas were ensconced in special houses for the duration of the bleeding cycle. In a sizeable community, many women could be menstruating at the same time. Under those conditions, the ‘bleeding’ houses or spaces might provide welcome relief and companionship for many women. We may never know what occurred during and between women at these times, but if the women were able to engender their creative energy together, menstruation could have provided Māori women with a powerful time and space.” (Dr Ella Henry, doc A63, pp 21-22)
  
  
• “The presence of women brings noa to a situation (whakanoa, to remove tapu, or make normal). However, during menstruation women are considered very tapu, due to the tapu associated with blood. There are certain areas women are not allowed to enter during this time to avoid ‘breaking tapu’ or make these areas noa. For example, women were not permitted in the maara kai (garden), shoreline (to gather kaimoana) and other food storage areas – so not to spoil these areas. Men are considered to be tapu, and their mana needs to be maintained so not to be rendered as neutral.” (Hinerangi Cooper-Puru, doc A27, p 6)

Rongoā

Several witnesses detailed the roles wāhine played administering rongoā and other mātauranga hauora for collective wellbeing, both in pre-colonial and modern times, again challenging any presumptions this was only the domain of men.

Aorangi Kawiti pictured with medicinal plants at Terenga Parāoa Marae, Whangārei, July 2021

Key witnesses who gave evidence

Kerri Nuku (doc A41), Naomi Waipouri (doc A43), Moana Teiho (doc A44), Dickie Farrar (doc A48), Tracy Haddon (A42), and Sandra Corbett (doc A45) presented as part of the Māori Nurses (Wai 2713) claim. Each discussed how they implement traditional mātauranga concepts in their nursing practice, arguing this knowledge needs to be better recognised and reclaimed in contemporary nursing practice to improve health outcomes for wāhine and whānau Māori.

What witnesses said

• “The [Tohunga Suppression] Act undermined the value of Māori medicine and rongoā. Tohunga or experts and the dynamic range of methods used as practitioners range from rongoa, mirimiri, reciting karakia (prayers or incantations), and using wai to make infusions for cleansing. The knowledge and skills as traditional healers in a symbiotic relationship with the taiao (environment) were forced underground and tōhunga were prosecuted. Rongōa Māori practice embedded in tikanga and culture, at one with the taiao, and understood by whānau, hāpu and iwi only became spoken about within Māori communities and compromised what Māori were promised under article 2 of Te Tiriti o Waitangi.” (Tracy Haddon, doc A42, p 4)
  
  
• “The role of wāhine Māori as gardeners for the production of kai involved significant leadership in managing and controlling the planting, growing and harvesting, sorting and distributing the harvest, and bringing people together to share kai and wānanga to plan for the year ahead … Wāhine also played important roles in gathering resources outside of the garden – they were experts at gathering rongoā from the forest.” (Rereata Makiha, doc A71, pp 6-7)
  
  
• “One of the first things we are told as trainee Māori nurses under Ta Pae Māhutonga (a recognised Māori health model): is that we are already a nurses, and that our ancestors have done this for years, all we are doing is becoming a recognised as a “qualified” nurse. We are told that our people have been birthing their own babies since time immemorial and we are natural born carers. This is something I have always held steadfast to in my nursing practice.” (Naomi Waipouri, doc A43, p 4)
  
  
• “The exercise of Mana Wāhine pre colonisation was guided by our traditional values, principles and practices. This was also the case with regards to how our Traditional Māori healers were trained and operated. It is clear that Māori view health in a holistic way, incorporating spiritual, psychological, physical and family aspects. These fundamental beliefs are still relevant today.” (Moana Teiho, doc A44, p 3)
  
  
• “Spiritual understandings are central to the practice of Rongoa Māori and can be seen as underpinning much of the practices with respect to traditional medicine and healing in Te Ao Māori … To really learn rongoā, people have to become a part of the world of Te Wāo nui o Tāne me Hine Te Wāo nui and be very aware of the intimate relationships that are sustained there because of the balance between those spiritual realms … For many Māori, modern health services lack recognition of taha wairua (the spiritual dimension). In a traditional Māori approach, the inclusion of the wairua, the role of the whānau (family) and the balance of the hinengaro (mind) are as important as the physical manifestations of illness.” (Moana Teiho, doc A44, pp 3-4, 6)
  
  
• “We knew how to care and heal our own according to our practices. Pre-contact Māori were in fairly good health and utilised the elements of their natural environment to maintain healthy practices. Māori understood the importance of separating bodily functions to restricted areas, they understood that living on riverbeds created aching joints and they did use Rongoa for certain ailments. Overtime, these practices were systematically stamped out which left Māori on a trajectory of impending decline and potential annihilation. The role of traditional healers is important because healers are often the repository of cultural and historical spiritual knowledge becoming transmitters of ancient and powerful knowledge that serves to maintain cultural continuity. Part of their role is the gain a mastery of their culture, values and traditions because culture is seen as a necessarily interwoven with healing. Therefore, it can be said that traditional healers are carriers of their culture and sometimes are the only remaining exponents of cultural ritual belief.” (Dickie Farrar, doc A48, p 6)

Abortion

Few witnesses discussed the status of abortion in pre-colonial Māori society – and those that did presented different perspectives on whether abortion was an accepted practice during this time.

What witnesses said

• “One reason [women were the economic superiors of men in Ngāti Porou] is that women held the power to gift life, and to take life. This is both in a practical and ceremonial sense. Of course, it was respected that our tipuna wahine provided life through childbirth, but it was also respected that should she wish, she could take actions that resulted in the abortion of a child, and the ending of a whakapapa line. The role that pregnant women held as the ultimate determinants of the fate of children, both in-utero and as their primary caregivers, was respected by our tipuna.” (Tina Ngata, doc A88, p 9)
  
  
• “Certain rongoa was used to invoke miscarriage in instances where the parents no longer wanted the child to be born, or where the mother’s life depended on the child miscarrying. This rongoa would be administered by a tohunga with appropriate karakia being recited.” (Kayreen Tapuke, doc A94, pp 10-11)
  
  
• “Wāhine Māori are well respected for the mana they carry and for nurturing future generations. Our whakapapa starts from there, which means that once a baby is conceived, that baby is going to be the one that will carry our generations forward. This concept aligns with Papatūānuku, who is atua whaea, the nurturer of all generations. To Māori when a child is conceived, that child is instantly a living being. We didn’t believe in abortion, or anything like that, as that child is already classified as human when it is first conceived. The concept of abortion takes away the tapu of our women.” (Ngaronoa Kimura, doc A139, p 2)